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感謝日本外籍記者聯誼會的邀請，很榮幸能再度前來，在此以民進黨黨主席，同時也是總統候選人的身分和大家談談台日關係、民進黨的中國政策，以及台灣的大選。

現在距離大選投票日只剩三個多月，許多人問我這時候為什麼還要出國，拜訪沒有投票權的外國朋友。事實上，民進黨對於國際關係非常重視，即使在選戰期間，我們也毫不懈怠地與世界交流。日本是台灣在區域內最重要的伙伴之一，雖然這趟旅程停留時間短暫，卻充分展現我們重視強化台日雙邊關係的誠意。

台日之間的歷史文化淵源，讓日本在台灣人民心目中佔據了特別的地位。十二年前，當台灣遭逢921大地震時，日本的救難隊是首先馳援的外國團體。而當日本在今年三月的東北震災中受創時，台灣人民感同身受；來自台灣民間的捐款更是高於其他國家。患難見真情，台日人民之間如此親近，說明了兩國緊密的關係。

台日之間的密切關係，是透過歷史、貿易、文化、旅遊以及人際之間的互動而建立，同時也奠基於維持亞太地區和平穩定、確保民主價值昌盛、提升經濟與繁榮等共同利益之上。

世界局勢日益複雜，各國都面臨能源匱乏、核安、金融危機、成長停滯、收入不均、高齡化社會以及社會服務成本增高，與非傳統安全等國內外的各項挑戰。同時，新勢力的崛起可能為原來由美國主導的世界秩序帶來不確定影響。很明顯的，這些變動的因素將會超越國界，讓情勢更加複雜；要解決這些問題，則必須靠國際間多邊、多層次的合作。

台日關係基礎深厚，但我們仍須仍須強化雙邊交流。我們希望這方面的工作能夠繼續維持，不會因各自內部的政治更迭而受影響。民進黨對強化台日關係的重視，已在我們執政時充分展現，即使目前在野，我們對深化台日關係的積極與用心未曾減少。在對日關係上，我們有以下的看法：

1.        安全方面：美日安保同盟是東亞和平穩定的基石。雖然台灣並未正式參與其中，這個同盟的效力及強度對台灣的利益有關鍵的影響。我們相信，在面對中國軍力的增加及挑釁時，堅定的同盟關係能夠維持區域內的戰略平衡。沒有任何國家能夠獨自面對這個挑戰；軍備競賽也不是大家所樂見的。因此，讓區域內各方參與溝通及對話，以和平理性的方式處理領土爭議，維護海上航行自由，確保軍事現代化的透明度等，皆為重要課題。在降低態勢升溫的可能性時，我們瞭解，唯有國防實力及自我防衛的決心，才能維護和平。

2.        民主價值：民主和正義是連結台日社會的共同價值。民主是人民得以在自由環境中追求繁榮發展的基礎。日本是東亞民主先驅，台灣則是邁向成熟中的新興民主國家。我們一方面要面對內部挑戰、致力良善有效治理，另外則要加強亞洲民主網絡，對民主機制建構中國家的公民社會給予支持。

3.        經貿：台日經濟關係十分密切，日據時期在台的基礎建設，提供了台灣在上個世紀成長與發展的基礎。最近幾十年來，台日的工業和經濟發展形成互補，這個關係讓雙方得利。當全球困於金融危機時，兩國的經濟也同時面臨內部挑戰，包括如何增加就業機會以及刺激成長等。外部方面，我們則面對經濟成長由新興勢力接手的全球趨勢；我們需要平衡的經濟關係，讓倚靠新興市場而產生的經濟成長有足夠的風險管理。例如，當台灣政府與中國簽訂ECFA時，許多人憂心兩岸經濟在缺乏國際化的狀況下快速整合，台灣對中國的依賴將會更深。因此，我們尋求強化台灣與包括日本在內的主要國際伙伴強化經濟交流。雖然台日之間基礎穩固，但我們也希望日本瞭解，避免台灣邊陲化，讓台灣能參與既有的區域整合體制，如以APEC為基礎的自由貿易協定或跨太平洋經濟伙伴關係，對台日雙方都有利。

4.        旅遊及雙方互動關係：幾年前開始的免簽證政策，提高了台日之間旅遊的便利性，拉近了兩國人民的距離。許多來台的日本遊客會發現，日本的軟實力，包括文化、體育、商務、娛樂、料理、技術等，在台灣展現無遺，獨步全球。而台灣也要向日本學習，如何以軟實力與公共外交，增加國際能見度。台灣人民勤奮有創意，未來民進黨執政後，我們要讓日本的朋友在國內也能欣賞台灣的電影、音樂、文創產業。

現在來談兩岸政策。雖然在這個場合談台日關係和台灣大選比較適當，我也知道在座許多朋友想問我對中國的態度，因此，讓我在此用一點時間來說明。

在兩岸關係上，我們的目標是維持和平與穩定，讓台灣人民得以繁榮經濟，同時維持得來不易的政治自由及生活方式。我們要保障人民決定台灣前途的權利，任何台灣現狀的改變，都必須經民主程序，取得台灣人民的同意。

我們要維護台海和平穩定，不僅是對台灣人民的承諾，也是對區域的責任。我們認為，與中國尋求『和而不同、和而求同』的戰略理解是最務實的作法。

我們知道北京堅持以一中原則作為對台的基本立場。然而北京也必須瞭解，在現實上，台灣人民在歷經反抗外族統治、追求民主，終獲自由後，堅決反對一黨專政，也堅決保持台灣主權。然而雙方立場的差異並不抵觸我們共同追求和平與發展的互利安排。

做為台灣第一個本土政黨，民進黨誓言捍衛台灣得來不易的民主、自由以及人民決定國家前途的權利。民主不僅是意識型態，更是我們的生活方式，也是憲法規範的義務。台灣的總統都必須服膺這個義務。也因此，我提出建立台灣共識，藉由民主及全民參與的過程，建立與中國交往的共識基礎。任何兩岸對話的前提，如果不是經由透明以及民主程序產生的共識，將會使兩岸關係治絲益棼。我相信，在兩岸議題上，有民主共識為後盾，才能代表台灣主流民意，才能維持兩岸長期穩定的關係。

對於兩岸之間存在的差異，我們不能太天真。然而我相信，精誠所至，金石為開，如果雙方有誠意建立和平穩定的互動架構，眼前的難題將能逐一化解。目前的兩岸僵局是歷史的產物，未來不盡然會是零和的局面。我有意願和北京的領導人，一同以互利、明智、負責的方式，用和平發展的共同語言，來推動兩岸關係。

中國方面正密切注意我們的選情，這是無庸置疑的。過去他們干涉台灣大選，卻得到反效果。其實，各界應該要對台灣的民主和人民的選擇有信心。選舉的結果往往由許多因素造成，以單一政策來衡量選舉成敗則過為偏頗。我要提醒中國的領導人，要深入瞭解選舉對台灣人民的意義為何，以更有彈性、更謹慎的態度面對，日後才能與勝選的一方正面來往。

事實上，在這次的選舉中，最受關注的是國內社經議題。和日本一樣，我們要正視人民對經濟、工作、所得不均，以及社會服務等問題的焦慮感。另外，台灣也和日本一樣，面臨核安以及未來能源政策的挑戰及爭議；在這個議題上，民進黨已經宣示，將於2025年之前全面停止核能發電。這個政策需要投注許多心力，也要有建設替代及再生能源相關設施的決心。我相信，台日共同開發綠能產業技術及投資機會，將是接下來雙方交流的重要領域。

從現在起到選舉這幾個月內，這些公共政策議題都會是受關注的焦點。我們要讓台灣人民相信，在政策上，民進黨是進步、有遠見的；面對人民的需要，我們更要負起責任；在執政方面，我們則更有競爭力，更能提供良善治理。

從過去到現在，民進黨伴隨台灣民主一路成長。八年的執政經驗，以及過去三年來的反省與努力，讓我們準備好面對再度執政的機會。重建人民的信心，絕非易事；在一步一腳印的努力下，民進黨做到了。

最近民調顯示，目前選情十分激烈，兩黨支持度不分上下；屆時雙方得票率可能十分接近。但可以確定的是，台灣人民對民主的信念十分堅定，民進黨支持者既熱情又務實，競選團隊齊心努力打拼選戰。我有信心，台灣明年將會產生第一位女總統，我的勝利，將是台灣社會進步開放的展現；我們也要落實責任治理，以珍視人民的支持與信心。謝謝大家，期待各位提出問題與意見。

(原文)

To begin with, I wish to give my thanks to the Foreign Correspondents Club of Japan for hosting me again.  This is my second time here, and I am honored to have this opportunity to speak again, not only as Chair of the Democratic Progressive Party, but as the party’s presidential candidate.  Today, I would like to address the Taiwan-Japan relationship, our approach to China, and our upcoming elections. 

There are only a little more than three months ahead until the election, and many people ask me why I choose to travel at this time, to countries and places where most people cannot vote for me.  The fact is, the DPP has always put great emphasis on our international relations, and our obligation to engage with the world does not stop during busy election times.  Japan is one of Taiwan’s most important partners in the region, and although this is a short visit, it is a meaningful demonstration of our commitment to reinforcing our bilateral relationship.

Japan has a unique historical and cultural relationship with Taiwan. It continues to occupy a special place in the emotions of the Taiwanese people.  Twelve years ago when Taiwan was hit by one of the most serious earthquakes in our history, Japanese rescue workers were the first foreigners to come to our assistance.  Likewise when Japan suffered through the earthquake and tsunami disaster this March, the people of Taiwan grieved in sympathy with the Japanese people, and Taiwan’s private donations for aid and assistance to Japan were larger than any other country in the world. 

It is often in times of tragedy that true friendship is demonstrated, and the affinity that exists between the peoples of Taiwan and Japan illustrates the tight relationship that our two countries share. 

This relationship is molded through history, trade, culture, travel, and interpersonal interactions.  But it is also based on common interests: We both have interests in maintaining peace and stability, in ensuring that democratic values flourish, and in promoting economic recovery and prosperity in the Asia Pacific region. 

We are living in an increasingly complex world, where there are multiple global and internal challenges for all of us: Energy shortage, nuclear safety, the financial crisis, growth stagnation, income disparities, aging societies and the cost of social services, and new non-traditional security issues.  At the same time, there are systemic changes where emerging powers may impact the US-led world order in ways that remain uncertain.  It is obvious that these uncertainties transcend national boundaries and are increasingly complex, and any solutions must involve multi-lateral, multi-level cooperation.  

Taiwan and Japan already have a profound and comprehensive relationship, but more efforts need to be invested in reinforcing our bilateral ties.  Our hope is that these efforts must be strong and consistent regardless of which party is in government on either side.  The DPP’s commitment to strengthening the relationship was demonstrated during the years that we were in government, but even in opposition, our interest and efforts in deepening the ties have not ceased.  In particular, with regards to Japan we have emphasized the following elements (security, democracy, economy and trade, and travel and other areas of interaction) in our broader national security strategy: 

1.     Security

The first element I wish to raise is security.  We see the Japan-US Security Alliance as a cornerstone for peace and stability in East Asia. Although we are not a formal part of this alliance, the strength and effectiveness of the alliance has a critical impact on our interests.  We believe a strong alliance would serve to sustain a strategic balance in the region, as we are all facing the increasing challenge of an expanding and more aggressive Chinese military whose intentions are not entirely transparent.  No country can cope with this challenge alone, and neither is an arms race in any party’s interest. It is therefore important to involve all parties to communicate and dialogue, to manage territorial disputes in a peaceful and rational way, to ensure the freedom of navigation, and to enhance transparency in military modernization.  And while we all work to decrease the possibility of escalating tensions, it is important to always bear in mind that peace must be backed by strength and a commitment to enhancing our defense.

2.     Democracy

The second element is democracy.  Democracy and justice are common values that link our societies together.  Democracy is the foundation for peace that allows our peoples to pursue prosperity and development in a free environment.  Japan is the leading democracy in East Asia, and Taiwan is a new and maturing democracy.  While we both face internal challenges and are working to enhance good and effective governance, we must also strengthen networks between democracies in Asia, and work to support the growth of civil societies in countries where democratic institutions are not yet in place.

3.     Economy and trade

The third element is economy and trade.  Taiwan’s economic relationship with Japan extends deep and back to the colonial days, when basic infrastructure was created to serve as a foundation for growth and development over the last century.  In recent decades, industry and economy have evolved largely in a complementary way among our two societies, and the relationship has been one of mutual benefit.  As economies around the world struggle to recover from the financial crisis, both our economies face internal challenges of creating new jobs and stimulating growth.  Externally, we face a situation where the global axis of economic growth is shifting toward emerging powers, and we need to establish balanced economic relations where growth that is dependent on links with the emerging powers is balanced by adequate management of the risks.  For example, in regards to our government’s signing ECFA, the trade agreement with China, many people in Taiwan have expressed concern that rapid integration without adequate global diversification would deepen Taiwan’s dependence on China.  Therefore we seek to strengthen our economic links with other major partners, including Japan. 

  With Japan we already have a strong foundation, and we hope that Japan also understands that it is within our mutual interest to prevent the further marginalization of Taiwan, and to have Taiwan well integrated into the regional trade architecture that is being formed, whether it is an APEC-based free trade agreement or the TPP.  

4.        Other travel and interaction

The fourth element, in areas of travel and other interaction between Taiwan and Japan, the visa-free policy that was implemented a few years ago has brought our people closer together by making travel and engagement much more convenient.  I think many Japanese visitors to Taiwan will realize that there is no other place in the world where Japanese soft power is so evident: in culture, sports, business practices, entertainment, food, technology, and so forth.  Likewise, Taiwan also seeks to develop our global visibility through soft power and public diplomacy.  The Taiwanese people are extremely diligent and creative, and when in government we will work to foster an environment where our films, music, culture, and products of invention can also be enjoyed by the Japanese people as much as possible.     

 Now, I wish to turn to cross-strait policy.  Although I know it is much more appropriate to focus on Taiwan-Japan relations and our elections on this occasion, I know many of you would want to ask me about our approach toward China.  So let me give you a brief introduction in the limited time we have.

The goal of managing relations with China is to maintain a peaceful and stable environment so that the Taiwanese people can have the opportunities to develop a prosperous economy, while preserving the hard-won political freedoms and way of living.  Ultimately, we want to ensure that the right to determine Taiwan’s future rests in the hands of the people of Taiwan, and any change of the status quo must be agreed by the people of Taiwan through democratic means. 

Our desire to maintain peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait is not only a commitment to the Taiwanese people.  It is also our responsibility to the region.  We believe the most realistic way forward is to reach a strategic understanding that recognizes differences while also allows for the pursuit of common interests (和而不同、和而求同) . 

We acknowledge that Beijing insists on the “one China principle” as its fundamental position toward Taiwan.  However, Beijing must also understand the reality that the Taiwanese people, having gone through the historical processes of freeing themselves from foreign rule and seeking democratization, are opposed to a one-party system and committed to upholding their sovereignty.  The distinct positions, however, should not prevent the two sides from reaching a mutually beneficial arrangement where we can also pursue common interests, mainly, common interests in peace and development.